Dear Friends,
In the days and weeks since Haviv Rettig Gur’s visit as our Scholar-in-Residence, my mind has been spinning with so many new ideas. I learned a great deal from Haviv’s visit, which I found highly educational, stimulating, and sometimes very challenging. I hope you enjoyed him as much as I did.
As I reflect on all Haviv shared with us, a few points stand out. I thought I’d share my top take-aways with you, as he offered a lot of insight to bridge divides: between generational perspectives; between Israelis and diaspora Jewry; and between our current knowledge and where we all want to be. Because truly, we could be better informed (myself included!).
1. Israeli Democracy endures as a function of its dialectic. In Israel, there is no distinction between the executive and legislature. Furthermore, parties with wildly divergent interests such as the Haredi (Ultra-Orthodox) UTJ and the Joint List (majority Arab parties) have sometimes even supported one another’s legislative priorities. Israel’s parties range from ultra-religious to secular; from socialist to communist. They reflect the ideological, ethnic, and religious diversity of the country as a whole. And like the proverbial “two Jews and three opinions,” the discussions on the floor of the k’nesset are often vigorous. They also serve as a sort of check on the society as a whole. Israel has no constitution or formal separation of powers as in the United States. Haviv argued that the inherent dialectic within this parliamentary system is one of Israel’s most important safeguards on democracy, as it presently stands.
2. Israelis want Israel to be moral. But first and foremost, they want their children to be safe. It is difficult for most Americans to understand the sense of existential threat that Israelis experience regularly — surrounded by falling rockets with a dearth of geographic buffers. Thank God we in the United States do not have to build bomb shelters under our kindergartens. Many Israelis, looking back at the failure of the Oslo peace process and the second Intifada, are skeptical that any Palestinian leader can be a true partner for peace. Ariel Sharon’s withdrawal from Gaza in 2005 similarly led to the armament and entrenchment of Hamas. Withdrawal from land in the absence of a peace process has only led to further bloodshed.
3. Israeli Jews don’t know much about diaspora Jews. American Jews don’t know much about Israelis. We used to have shlichim (young Israel emissaries) in our communities, to help build these bridges. We should bring that program back. We should send our kids to Israel, too. Israel should include diaspora relations among its educational priorities. And as Haviv accurately summarized, far too many American Jewish youngsters are unaware of their own story. Our Temple Educator, Ira Wise, and I, are committed to addressing this, with your partnership.
4. Israel’s Right has oftentimes fulfilled the promises of the Left. We’ve discussed this truism of Israeli politics in our Israel reading group and other classes here at TBT. Here are just a few examples:
• Prime Minister Menachem Begin, an icon of the revisionist Zionist camp, signed a peace treaty with Egypt in 1978 that returned the entirety of the Sinai Peninsula. Many in his Likud party criticized him for this, but history has vindicated the decision.
• Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, another stalwart of the right, unilaterally withdrew all Israeli settlers from Gaza. At the time, this was a popular decision, but very few would have expected Sharon to initiate it.
• As part of the Annapolis Conference of 2007, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, another Likud leader, engaged in intensive negotiations with the Palestinians. He was willing to consider territorial concessions based around the 1967 borders. Unfortunately, these negotiations failed.
Israel’s current government is the most extreme in its history. The current Palestinian leadership is in no position to care for its own people, let alone negotiate for peace. Rather than fall into despair, it is helpful for me to remember that progress toward peace tends to come at unexpected times and in unlikely ways. Just consider the recent Abraham Accords. Normalization with Israel’s neighbors is achievable. There may even be a role for Saudi Arabia to play in the rebuilding of Gaza, as the Saudis and the Israelis inch closer toward diplomatic relations. As Jews, we pray for peace in every service, multiple times each day. We will never give up on peace.
If you didn’t have the chance to learn with Haviv last month, you can find him discussing many of the topics he addressed at TBT on these podcasts: What Matters Now or Call me Back. Finally, I want to exuberantly thank our Programming Committee leaders, Nancy Rosen, David Rosen, and Karen Rabinovici – as well as Temple Educator Ira Wise and our many dedicated volunteers – for making it such a successful weekend. It was a privilege to learn with all of you.
Shalom,
Rabbi Moss